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- Author, Barbara Plet Asher
- Role, BBC News Africa Correspondent, Nairobi
Kenyan President William Ruto will become the first African leader in more than 15 years to pay an official state visit to the US.
This is an opportunity for President Joe Biden to demonstrate his commitment to Africa at a time when Washington appears to be reciprocating its commitment to the continent.
But relations with other African allies are under strain as strategic rivals including Russia and China challenge traditional areas of Western influence.
At one time Mr Ruto would have been an unlikely candidate to be enshrined in the White House with the pomp and ceremony bestowed on only a few close allies a year.
The International Criminal Court indicted him for crimes against humanity related to the violence that followed Kenya’s 2007 election. But the case collapsed and Mr Ruto has since found himself an indispensable US partner.
Lingering doubts about his democratic credentials are not why Congress decided not to invite him to speak to a joint session, says US Ambassador to Kenya Meg Whitman. As far as he knows, it’s a matter of scheduling.
Ms Whitman, a former CEO of companies such as eBay and Hewlett Packard Enterprises, is a champion of Kenya and its investment potential as a technology hub, the so-called Silicon Savannah.
“If you really want to lean in Africa, then what would be the right choice to come to a state dinner?” she asks.
“Kenya has been a long-standing ally of the United States for 60 years. It is certainly the most stable democracy in East Africa. President Ruto has stepped up and is a real leader.”
Under Mr Ruto, Kenya has developed its role as the region’s diplomatic and business hub, an “anchor state” for the US in a tough neighbourhood.
Although he has faced protests at home over his handling of the troubled economy, globally he has become an advocate for Africa on issues related to climate change and debt relief.
Kenya is also a major security partner in East Africa and has pleased Washington with a promise to send Kenyan police to Haiti.
The only phone call President Biden made to a leader in sub-Saharan Africa last year was to Mr Ruto, about Nairobi’s promise to lead a multinational force in the troubled country.
Analysts suspect the state visit is partly intended to make up for the fact that Biden did not follow through on his own promise to visit Africa.
He made the pledge at a major summit of African leaders in Washington two years ago, at which he assured guests he was “all in” for the continent. Since then, however, it has been distracted by crises elsewhere, such as the wars in Ukraine and Gaza.
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The summit followed the government’s announcement of a new strategy aimed at transforming its relations with African countries into more equal partnerships that advance the strategic interests of both.
In some ways, Mr Ruto is the poster child for this approach, but as he arrives in Washington, the focus has shifted to US setbacks in West Africa.
If there is one country that best understands the challenges the US faces in Africa, it might be Niger.
For years it was home to more than 1,000 US troops stationed at two bases from where they launched security operations against Islamist militants in the region.
But a coup last year changed the nature of the relationship – with Niger’s military leaders moving closer to Russia and Iran.
American efforts to find a way to resume security cooperation collapsed in March.
The junta prime minister told the Washington Post that a senior US delegation had taken a “condescending tone” and showed a “lack of respect”. He accused it of trying to dictate Niamey’s relations with other countries.
This week the Pentagon confirmed the full withdrawal of its troops by September – opening the door to even closer ties between Niger and Moscow.
Molly Fee, the State Department’s top African affairs official, says it was impossible to align America’s interests and values, which also included a timetable for a return to civilian rule, with the junta.
“We shared reasonable concerns about his course [Niger’s] talks with Russia and Iran,” he told the BBC.
“In the end, we were unable to reach an agreement that met our top priorities,” he said, noting that the relationship should be mutual.
“We intend to maintain a diplomatic partnership, as well as other aspects of our relationship.”
The collapse follows the expulsion from Niger of the French, the old colonial power.
It highlights tensions as the US tries to balance security partnerships with democratic values, constraints not shared by the Russians.
What happened in Niger has echoed in other Sahel countries – with Moscow willing to offer protection to those who seized power in a series of coups, often in exchange for access to natural resources.
In recent weeks, a small contingent of US troops was forced out of Niger’s neighbor Chad as officials there questioned the future of the US presence.
America also faces increased competition from other nations on the continent. China has been investing in Africa for two decades, but there are a number of new middle power players.
A Gallup poll last year he found that the US had lost its soft power advantage while China had gained fans. But the biggest change was Russia’s rise in popularity.
“Historically the West saw Africa as a problem to be solved. Actors like China and Turkey, and other players in the Arab Gulf, see this as an opportunity that they must seize,” says Muritha Mutiga, director of the International Crisis Group’s Africa program.
“So the way China, Turkey and the Gulf have engaged is welcome because it’s seen as a long-term bet, it’s seen as taking the continent seriously.”
The Biden administration points to some success in its efforts to address Africa as a strategic partner.
A stream of high-level visits has underscored Africa’s importance as a “continent of the future,” with its young, fast-growing population, abundant natural resources, and growing influence on the international stage.
US support has helped African nations gain better representation in global forums such as the G20, the IMF and the World Bank, although the US has struggled to secure African support for its positions on Israel’s war on Gaza and Russia’s war with Ukraine.
The administration also won praise for investing in the Lobito Corridor, a rail line that crosses Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia and will be used to transport critical raw materials.
“With this corridor Lobito, [the Americans] he decided to speak in the language Africans understand,” says Kingsley Moghalu, a Nigerian political economist and former central bank governor.
“If you look like you’re delivering big projects that are beneficial to African economies and the African people, then on the back end you have the power to talk about democracy and things like that.”
Alex Vines, head of the Africa Program at the Chatham House think tank in London, rejects the notion that Western power is waning in Africa.
“One African leader said to me, ‘We’re fed up with a Chinese buffet, we’d like to go a la carte, we want choice,'” he says.
“Well, I think what we’re seeing more and more is [that] Many African countries want some of the United States, but they will want some of Russia or the UAE or Turkey.”
The challenge is “effective African leadership” with ambitious, long-term vision that can make the most of competition.
President Ruto is seen as one of those who can, but everyone, including Niger, has options.
“There’s a game of chess going on,” says Dr. Vines. “There is a new race for Africa. The difference is that the chessboard, the African continent is alive, not passive. It can suck people in and really surprise them.”
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