Last week, the French embassy in Niger sent a letter to its staff announcing that it would close its doors and end diplomatic services in the West African country. At the same time, the last set of French troops in the country boarded flights from Niamey.
The letter marked the latest straw in France’s long fall from grace in Africa, as relations with its former colonies – known collectively as “Francafrique” – deteriorated to a new low this year.
The former colonial power, which sees itself as a military power in the region and has intervened militarily in the troubled Sahel, faces growing anti-French sentiment across the region.
Although Paris still maintains a military presence in Ivory Coast, Senegal, Gabon, Djibouti and Chad, many see 2023 as the year that marked a significant reduction in France’s dominance over its African allies.
Here is a 2023 timeline of France in Africa.
February: French troops withdraw from Burkina Faso
Following the departure of the 4,500-strong Operation Barkhane force from Mali in August 2022, French troops also withdrew from neighboring Burkina Faso this February. Their quiet exit on February 18 came after the military-led government in Ouagadougou called on French troops stationed in the country to leave in January, proposing a withdrawal timetable of just four weeks.
Relations between Paris and Ouagadougou had soured since the coup that brought captain Ibrahim Traore to power in 2022. Throughout the year, Ouagadougou announced several partnerships with Russia – which is encroaching on areas vacated by France – including progress on a nuclear power plant in Burkina Faso. In November, a Russian military aircraft landed at Thomas Sankara Airport, signaling the arrival of private mercenaries from the Wagner Group.
The 400-strong Operation Saber special forces in Burkina Faso were first deployed in 2009 to help combat violence spreading from neighboring Mali that has seen thousands of Burkinabes displaced by armed groups such as al-Qaeda. Protesters in Ouagadougou had repeatedly claimed French troops were ineffective in fighting the rebels and called for their withdrawal before the official ultimatum came.
In March, Mali’s government suspended French media in the country as relations between the two governments – already strained since August 8, 2020, when the military government of Colonel Assimi Goita overthrew French-backed President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita – further worsened.
State-run French media outlets RFI and France 24 were sanctioned for alleged false reporting on the humanitarian situation in the country. Weeks later, in April, the suspension escalated to an outright ban by Mali’s media regulator.
Journalists’ associations as well as international human rights organizations condemned the move. “These suspensions are the latest in a series of actions restricting freedom of the press and freedom of expression in Mali, and they come at a time when more, not less, scrutiny is needed,” said a spokesman for Michelle Bachelet, the High Commissioner for United Nations Commission on Human Rights at the time.
Malian troops, working with Russia’s Wagner mercenaries, have been widely accused of arbitrary arrests and killings in their fight against unrest in the country’s north. Media professionals in Mali describe an increasingly authoritative atmosphere in the country that has hindered their ability to report without bias.
In February, French journalist Benjamin Roger was arrested upon arrival in Bamako and deported within 24 hours after authorities said he did not have the proper accreditation.
July: Niger coup brings Paris and Niamey to an impasse
On July 26, a coup ousted Niger’s President Mohamed Bazoum, with General Abdourahamane Tchiani, head of the presidential guard, in his place.
It was bad news for Paris, which had increasingly focused on Niamey as a Sahelian anchor since its influence in Bamako and Ouagadougou waned. Not only had some of the French troops that pulled out of Mali in 2022 resettled in Niger, but France also had one of its largest bases on the continent in the West African country. On July 29, Paris officially suspended relations with Niamey.
When the regional bloc ECOWAS announced it would intervene militarily to install Bazoum, Paris boldly said it would support such a move, despite warnings of regional war from critics. This intervention ultimately did not take place, but the French authorities continued their confrontation with the military government in Niamey, refusing to recognize its legitimacy, just as it had done in Mali and Burkina Faso.
Meanwhile, the United States and Germany, which also have military presence in Niger and which also initially condemned the coup, have signaled their willingness to work with the military government. ECOWAS, too, has softened its stance, calling for a quick transition to civilian rule, rather than an immediate reformulation of the ousted Bazoum.
September: France suspends student visas
On September 18, France announced it would no longer issue new visas to students from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso, citing deteriorating security relations with military-led West African governments.
While students already in France or on active visas were not affected, the announcement was a blow to those hoping to begin their studies abroad or renew their visas. Some say they were to benefit from French development aid during their studies, but those funds have also been cut off in the three rebel countries. Many prospective students who have already started the application process say they are now at a dead end.
Thousands of students from French-speaking African countries study in France every year. More than 6,000 come from Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso alone. In 2022, France issued student and trainee visas to 436 Nigerians to study in the country.
Visas for artists have also been suspended, amid claims that France is also boycotting African creatives.
December: The G5 Sahel wobbles
On December 2, Niger and Burkina Faso announced their withdrawal from the G5 Sahel joint force, a multinational military alliance established to fight armed groups in the volatile Sahel region.
Formed in 2014, the movement was originally a five-nation bloc, with a French-backed counter-insurgency force added in 2017. However, amid strained relations between France and the military-led trilateral Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the alliance has been shaken. and critics say it has not been effective in restoring lasting peace to the region.
“The organization is failing to achieve its objectives,” Niger and Burkina Faso said in a statement. “Worse, our countries’ legitimate aspirations to make the G5 Sahel a zone of security and development are thwarted by institutional bureaucracy of a bygone era, which convinces us that our process of independence and dignity is incompatible with G5 participation in today’s his form,” they said.
In May last year, Mali became the first country to leave the group.
With Chad and Mauritania the only countries left, it is now uncertain whether the G5 can continue to exist. In a joint statement on Dec. 6, the two countries said they “take note of and respect the sovereign decision” of their departing counterparts.
Meanwhile, Niger, Burkina Faso and Mali signed a mutual defense pact to create the Association of Sahelian States to help each other against external threats.
December: Niamey embassy closes, French troops withdraw from Niger
France has withdrawn 1,500 troops stationed in Niger five months after the army seized power in Niamey, with one of its main demands being the withdrawal of the French force.
On December 22, the Nigerian military took control of French military bases in the country as the last French forces were discharged. The move sealed earlier withdrawals from Mali in 2022 as well as Burkina Faso earlier this year and dealt further blows to France’s tarnished military reputation.
The same week, the French embassy in Niamey closed, claiming it could no longer continue its services unhindered following a blockade. In August, France initially refused to withdraw its ambassador despite a 48-hour ultimatum from the government. The military rulers then proceeded to bar the embassy from entering. Ambassador Sylvain Itte finally left in September.
On December 25, Nigerian authorities also announced that they had suspended all cooperation with the Paris-based International Organization of Francophone Nations, which seeks to promote the French language. The group had already cut ties with Niamey after the July coup.
The 88-member body, the military government said, “was being used by France as a means to defend French interests.”